Teddy Bear Essays - English-language Films, Teddy Bear, Bear

Teddy Bear Essays - English-language Films, Teddy Bear, Bear Teddy Bear A bear, however hard he tries Grows tubby without exercise. Our Teddy Bear is short and fat, Which is not to be wondered at; He gets what exercise he can By falling off the ottoman, But generally seems to lack The energy to clamber back. Now tubbiness is just the thing Which gets a fellow wondering; And Teddy worried lots about The fact that he was rather stout. He thought: "If only I were thin! But how does anyone begin?" He thought: "It really isn't fair To grudge one exercise and air." For many weeks he pressed in vain His nose against the window-pane, And envied those who walked about Reducing their unwanted stout. None of the people he could see "Is quite" (he said) "as fat as me!" Then, with a still more moving sigh, "I mean" (he said) "as fat as I!" Now Teddy, as was only right, Slept in the ottoman at night, And with him crowded in as well More animals than I can tell; Not only these, but books and things, Such as a kind relation brings - Old tales of "Once upon a time," And history retold in rhyme. One night it happened that he took A peep at an old picture-book, Wherein he came across by chance The picture of a King of France (A stoutish man) and, down below, These words: "King Louis So and So, Nicknamed 'The Handsome!'" There he sat, And (think of it!) the man was fat! Our bear rejoiced like anything To read about this famous King, Nicknamed "The Handsome." There he sat, And certainly the man was fat. Nicknamed "The Handsome." Not a doubt The man was definitely stout. Why then, a bear (for all his tub ) Might yet be named "The Handsome Cub!" "Might yet be named." Or did he mean That years ago he "might have been"? For now he felt a slight misgiving: "Is Louis So and So still living? Fashions in beauty have a way Of altering from day to day. Is 'Handsome Louis' with us yet? Unfortunately I forget." Next morning (nose to window-pane) The doubt occurred to him again. One question hammered in his head: "Is he alive or is he dead?" Thus, nose to pane, he pondered; but The lattice window, loosely shut, Swung open. With one startled "Oh!" Our Teddy disappeared below. There happened to be passing by A plump man with a twinkling eye, Who, seeing Teddy in the street, Raised him politely to his feet, And murmured kindly in his ear Soft words of comfort and of cheer: "Well, well!" "Allow me!" "Not at all." "Tut-tut! A very nasty fall." Our Teddy answered not a word; It's doubtful if he even heard. Our bear could only look and look: The stout man in the picture-book! That 'handsome' King - could this be he, This man of adiposity? "Impossible," he thought. "But still, No harm in asking. Yes I will!" "Are you," he said,"by any chance His Majesty the King of France?" The other answered, "I am that," Bowed stiffly, and removed his hat; Then said, "Excuse me," with an air, "But is it Mr Edward Bear?" And Teddy, bending very low, Replied politely, "Even so!" They stood beneath the window there, The King and Mr Edward Bear, And, handsome, if a trifle fat, Talked carelessly of this and that. Then said His Majesty, "Well, well, I must get on," and rang the bell. "Your bear, I think," he smiled. "Good-day!" And turned, and went upon his way. A bear, however hard he tries, Grows tubby without exercise. Our Teddy Bear is short and fat, Which is not to be wondered at. But do you think it worries him To know that he is far from slim? No, just the other way about - He's proud of being short and stout

The History of the Olmec Site of La Venta

The History of the Olmec Site of La Venta The Olmec capital of La Venta is located in the city of Huimanguillo, in the state of Tabasco, Mexico, 15 kilometers (9 miles) inland from the Gulf coast. The site is perched on a narrow natural elevation approximately 4 km (2.5 mi) long which rises above the wetland swamps on the coastal plain. La Venta was first occupied as early as 1750 BC, becoming an Olmec temple-town complex between 1200 and 400 BC. La Venta was the primary center of the Olmec culture and likely the most important regional capital in non-Maya Mesoamerica during the Middle Formative period (approximately 800-400 BC). In its heyday, La Ventas residential zone included an area of ~200 hectares (500 acres), with a population numbering in the thousands. Architecture at La Venta Most of the structures at La Venta were built of wattle-and-daub walls placed atop earthen or adobe mudbrick platforms or mounds  and covered with a thatched roof. Little natural stone was available, and, apart from the massive stone sculptures, the only stone used in public architecture was a few basalt, andesite and limestone foundational support or internal buttresses. The 1.5 km (~1 mi) long civic-ceremonial core of La Venta includes over 30 earthen mounds and platforms. The core is dominated by a 30 meter (100 foot) high clay pyramid (called Mound C-1), which has been heavily eroded  but was likely the largest single building at the time in Mesoamerica. Despite the lack of native stone, La Ventas artisans crafted sculptures including four colossal heads from massive blocks of stone quarried from the Tuxtla Mountains approximately 100 km (62 mi) to the west. The most intensive archaeological investigations at La Venta were conducted in Complex A, a small group of low clay platform mounds and plazas within an area of about 1.4 hectares (3 acres), located immediately north of the tallest pyramidal mound. Most of Complex A was destroyed shortly after the excavations in 1955, by a combination of looters and civic development. However, detailed maps of the area were made by the excavators and, due primarily to the efforts of archaeologist Susan Gillespie, a digital map of the buildings and construction events at Complex A has been made (Gillespie, Gillespie, and Volk). Read more on Complex A at La Venta Subsistence Methods Traditionally, scholars have attributed the rise of Olmec society to the development of maize agriculture. According to recent investigations, however, the people at La Venta subsisted on fish, shellfish and terrestrial faunal remains until about 800 BC, when maize, beans, cotton, palm and other crops were grown in gardens on relict beach ridges, called tierra de primera by maize farmers today, perhaps fueled by long-distance trade networks. Killion (2013) conducted a survey of paleobotanical data from several Olmec period sites including La Venta. He suggests that the initial founders at La Venta and other Early Formative sites such as San Lorenzo were not farmers, but rather were hunter-gatherer-fishers. That dependence on mixed hunting and gathering extends well into the Formative period. Killion suggests that the mixed subsistence worked in the well-watered lowland environments, but that a wetland environment was not suited to intensive agriculture. La Venta and the Cosmos La Venta is oriented 8 degrees west of north, like most Olmec sites, the significance of which is obscure to date. This alignment is echoed in Complex As central avenue, which points to the central mountain. The central bars of each of La Ventas mosaic pavements  and the four elements of the quincunxes in the mosaics are positioned at intercardinal points. Complex D at La Venta is an E-Group configuration, a specific layout of buildings identified at over 70 Maya sites and believed to have been designed to track movements of the sun. Archaeology La Venta was excavated by members of the Smithsonian Institution, including Matthew Stirling, Philip Drucker, Waldo Wedel and Robert Heizer, in three major excavations between 1942 and 1955. Most of this work was focused on Complex A: and the finds from that work were published in popular texts and La Venta quickly became the type site for defining the Olmec culture. Shortly after the 1955 excavations, the site was badly damaged by looting and development, although a brief expedition did retrieve some stratigraphic data. Much was lost in Complex A, which was torn up by bulldozers. A map of Complex A made in 1955 formed the basis for digitizing the field records of the site. Gillespie and Volk worked together to create a three-dimensional map of Complex A, based on archived notes and drawings and published in 2014. The most recent archaeological studies have been undertaken by Rebecca Gonzlez Lauck at the Instituto Nacional de Antropologà ­a e Historia (INAH). Sources Clark JE, and Colman A. 2013. Olmec Things and Identity: A Reassessment of Offerings and Burials at La Venta, Tabasco. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association  23(1):14-37. doi: 10.1111/apaa.12013 Gillespie S. 2011. Archaeological Drawings as Re-Presentations: The Maps of Complex A, La Venta, Mexico. Latin American Antiquity  22(1):3-36. doi: 10.7183/1045-6635.22.1.3 Gillespie SD, and Volk M. In press. A 3d model of Complex A, La Venta, Mexico. Digital Applications in Archaeology and Cultural Heritage (in press). doi: 10.1016/j.daach.2014.06.001 Killion TW. 2013. Nonagricultural cultivation and social complexity (with commentary). Current Anthropology 54(5):596-606. doi: 10.2307/276200 Pohl MD, and von Nagy C. 2008. The Olmec and their contemporaries. In: Pearsall DM, editor. Encyclopedia of Archaeology . London: Elsevier Inc. p 217-230. doi: 10.1016/B978-012373962-9.00425-8 Reilly FK. 1989. Enclosed ritual spaces and the watery underworld in Formative period architecture: New observations on the function of La Venta Complex A. In: Robertson MG, and Fields VM, editors. Seventh Palenque Round Table. San Francisco: Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute. Rust WF, and Sharer RJ. 1988. Olmec Settlement Data from La Venta, Tabasco, Mexico. Science 242(4875):102-104. doi: 10.1126/science.242.4875.102